Dear god.
This is what I was referring to!
Oh, apologies. I'm starting to get a bit overly defensive.
Dear god.
This is what I was referring to!
Nation is a made up concept. Culture is the food you eat, language, customs, etc.Culture and nation are intrinsically linked, you can't have one without the other, and I mean "nation" in terms of a specific ethnic/cultural group, not a modern state/governmental construct. You seem to be advocating for some sort of borderless world with no concept of race and nationality, but do you really think different cultures and traditions would survive in such an environment? That borderless NWO with one globalist culture is the aim of the globalists, the likes of the City of London and the Royals. They care nothing for English patriotism, in fact they see it as something that needs to be stamped out.
Looks like the Irish resisted the empire until the 17th (or even 18th) Century, and the potato famine was created to destroy the remains of the old decentralized system of the tuath under British rule.
I propose the way the old world worked was like this:
- Single, united civilization on earth that was governed locally but connected globally. This united civilization later split apart after a cataclysmic event or war (maybe around 1300 AD)
- Afterwards, the local governance did not change, but the connection between the different countries wasn't as good as before, we see development of individual languages, etc.
- no central authority, kings had spiritual functions
- caste system, but fluid
- people were judged by accomplishment and ability
- no money, no banks, no parasitism
- this system, decentralized but united in spirit, could have been called the commonwealth of earth
- The parasitic PTB stole the name commonwealth but perverted everything in order to create a central authority that controls people and enslaves.
- It took a long time to overthrow the old kingdoms because due to their decentralized governance and focus on autonomy and freedom they couldn't simply kill their leaders, they had to slowly destroy the spirit of the entire people
What remains known about the Irish system implies that life in the pre-colonial times was glorious, and doing good things and working hard mattered, for people reaped the fruits of their own labor, and people knew how to resolve conflicts without resorting to a central authority. This implies a completely different approach towards life, and means that people were in touch with themselves, and the people around them. When there is no central arbitrary authority, relationships and life as a whole become meaningful.
The connections between people living together within a small community were like a very dense web, their lifes interwoven in a single destiny, and everyone dependent on everyone else, the biggest fear was being ostracised from the community, for that usually meant total loss of one's reputation and eventually suffering or death.
Irish law is almost wholly the produet of a professional class of jurists called brithim or brehons. Originally the Druids and later the filid or poets were the keepers of the law, but by historic times jurisprudence was the professional specialization of the brehons who often were members of hereditary brehonic families and enjoyed a social and legal status just below that of the kings. The brehons survived among the native lrish until the very end of a free Irish society in the early 17th century. They were particularly marked for persecution, along with the poets and historians, by the English authorities. The statutes of Kilkenny (1366) specifically forbade the English from resorting to the brehon's law, but they were still being mentioned in English documents of the early 17th ceniury.l61 The absence from the function of law-making of the Irish kings may seem startling. But Irish kings were not legisiators nor were they normally involved in the adjudication of disputes unless requested to do so by the litigants. A king was not a sovereign; he himself could be sued and a special brehon was assigned to hear cases to which the king was a party. He was subject to the law as any other freeman. The Irish polity, the tuath, was, one distinguished modem scholar put it, "the state in swaddling clothes". It existed only in "embryo". "There was no legislature, no bailiffs or police, no public enforcement of justice . . . there was no trace of Stateadministered justice". Certain mythological kings like Cormac mac Airt were reputed to be Iawgivms and judges, but turn out to be euhemerized Celtic deities. When the kings appear in the enforcement of justice, they do so through the system of suretyship which was utilized to guarantee the enforcement of contracts and the decisions of the brehon's courts. Or they appear as representatives of the assembly of freemen to contract on their behalf with other fuafha or churchmen. Irish law is essentially brehon's law-and the absence of the State in its creation and development is one of the chief reasons for its importance as an object of our scrutiny.
Conclusion and Summary
While a comprehensive survey of the Irish law of property and property rights cannot yet be written, we can already see that the idea of private ownership permeates those aspects of the law which have been subjected to recent study. The Irish frankly and openly used assessments of property as the criterion for determining a man's social and legal status, the extent of his capacity to act as a surety or compurgator, and to fix the amounts of compensation due hi as a victim of crime or any kind of injury. Ownership of land determined a man's status as free or unfree and his right to participate in the public assembly. The needs of the Church modified but did not alter the basic character of native Irish institutions and law. While it secured for itself almost total freedom from lay ownership and secular obligations, it was never able to fully destroy the essentially secular character of Irish law as exemplified in the laws on marriage and divorce. The legal capacity of women showed exceptional development and gave women property rights in the 8th century that were centuries ahead of those enjoyed by English women. The fact that lrish law was the creation of private individuals who were professional, even hereditary, jurists, gave to the law both a conservative yet flexible and equitable character. Their power rested upon the free consent of the community in choosing them as arbitrators in disputes; and this made equity and justice more likely than in royal courts where the interests of the State and its rulers are paramount. The invasion and conquest of Ireland, the work of over 400 years before it was completed, was eventually fatal to the Irish system of law snd the culture and civilization it expressed. The English State was incompatible with the Irish tuoth; the English common law was totally incompatible with the Irish law. Ireland from the 12th century was a single land in which two nations and two laws and two cultures engaged in a constant struggle for survival. The end came in the early 17th century with the flight bf the last Irish kings from Ulster and the new plantation of that region by Protestant Scots sent by James I-that most absolute of English Kings. As for the native Irish and their ancient culture, the English official Sir John Davies thought he said it all: "For if we consider the Nature of the Irish Customes, we shall finde that the people that doeth use them, must of necessitie bee Rebelles to all good Government, destroy the commonwealth wherein they live. and bring Barbarisme and desolation upon the richest and most fruitful land of the world.'
https://mises.org/library/property-rights-celtic-irish-law-0
In fact, the most glaring cause of the famine was not a plant disease, but England's long-running political hegemony over Ireland. The English conquered Ireland, several times, and took ownership of vast agricultural territory. Large chunks of land were given to Englishmen.
These landowners in turn hired farmers to manage their holdings. The managers then rented small plots to the local population in return for labor and cash crops. Competition for land resulted in high rents and smaller plots, thereby squeezing the Irish to subsistence and providing a large financial drain on the economy.
Land tenancy can be efficient, but the Irish had no rights to the land they worked or any improvements they might make. Only in areas dominated by Protestants did tenant farmers have any rights over their capital improvements. With the landlords largely residing in England, there was no one to conduct systematic capital improvements.
The Irish suffered from many famines under English rule. Like a boxer with both arms tied behind his back, the Irish could only stand and absorb blow after blow. It took the "many circumstances" of English policy to create the knockout punch and ultimate answer to the Irish question.
https://mises.org/library/what-caused-irish-potato-famine-0
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/TúathEach túath was a self contained unit, with its own executive, assembly, courts system and defence force. Túatha were grouped together into confederations for mutual defence. There was a hierarchy of túatha statuses, depending on geographical position and connection to the ruling dynasties of the region.[3] The organisation of túatha is covered to a great extent within the Brehon laws, Irish laws written down in the 7th century, also known as the Fénechas.[4]
The old Irish political system was altered during and after the Elizabethan conquest, being gradually replaced by a system of baronies and counties under the new colonial system. Due to a loss of knowledge, there has been some confusion regarding old territorial units in Ireland, mainly between trícha céta and túatha, which in some cases seem to be overlapping units, and in others, different measurements altogether.[5] The trícha céta were primarily for reckoning military units; specifically, the number of fighting forces a particular population could rally.[2] Some scholars equate the túath with the modern parish, whereas others equate it with the barony. This partly depends on how the territory was first incorporated into the county system. In cases where surrender and regrant was the method, the match between the old túath and the modern barony is reasonably equivalent. Whereas in cases like Ulster, which involved large scale colonisation and confiscation of land, the shape of the original divisions is not always clear or recoverable.
a LOT? They claim everything!I suppose it could not have been like that.
The catholic church claims to have a hold on Ireland for 1500 years (St. Patrick).
well they claim a lot.
I think you mean, Kiss my rosebud, although that may excited them!The Catholics can kiss my ... rose.
I get the humor but, would hesitate to ascribe the same immorality to the Irish, well maybe a few, as to the Romans.I think you mean, Kiss my rosebud, although that may excited them!The Catholics can kiss my ... rose.
It was me trying to point out the roman proclivity for the rosebud,I get the humor but, would hesitate to ascribe the same immorality to the Irish, well maybe a few,
I got it. No offense.It was me trying to point out the roman proclivity for the rosebud,I get the humor but, would hesitate to ascribe the same immorality to the Irish, well maybe a few,
a desire for anal intercourse and sexual contact with the genitalia of the young.
I did not mean to offend, please accept my humble apology!
Is there a more maligned group, class, religion on earth than those of Eire?
I could go on a tear with that but suffice to say that the St. George Cross is by no means racist. Or prejudiced. Not at all.Is there a more maligned group, class, religion on earth than those of Eire?
I'd say the English give them strong competition for that title in 2021. Even the St. George's Cross is considered a racist banner, whereas no one would say the Irish flag was such a banner. British/English history has also recently been declared by Oxford to be "worse than the Nazis".
Actually, today the English are much more maligned than the Irish, it's not even a competition. No doubt even saying this will make many people angry, which rather proves the point I think.
I could go on a tear with that but suffice to say that the St. George Cross is by no means racist. Or prejudiced. Not at all.Is there a more maligned group, class, religion on earth than those of Eire?
I'd say the English give them strong competition for that title in 2021. Even the St. George's Cross is considered a racist banner, whereas no one would say the Irish flag was such a banner. British/English history has also recently been declared by Oxford to be "worse than the Nazis".
Actually, today the English are much more maligned than the Irish, it's not even a competition. No doubt even saying this will make many people angry, which rather proves the point I think.
That particular Cross, shared by the Pope, the Templars, the Swiss, the Red Cross, the British Colonies, and so many others, terrifies all equally. For a couple of thousand years anyway.
I suspect that George himself was the director of the death of Tartaryah and so much more that we could fill volumes.
Oh, I forgot, we are right here on Stolen History!
PERFECT HOLOCAUST BOOKOnly when you, the Diaspora and the Proud Irish Men & Women,
spread the truth of what really happened during that terrible time
in Ireland's history of 1845-1850 and seek recognition and justice,
only when you STAND UP for the truth, can the 5+ Million
souls who perished, truly Rest In Peace.
Ireland in 1845-1850 was essentially, entirely owned by English landlords, many of them Lords temporal or spiritual, in estates typically of tens of thousands of acres. Their land titles were conquest-based. On these estates the Irish were tenants-at-will on holdings of typically three to eight acres the rent of which they paid by, typically, 250-260 days of unpaid work annually on the landlord’s estate.
In previous centuries the Irish, under British rule, were non-persons, stripped of legal personhood. As murder requires personhood: the Irish were thus legally killable by any English person at will. Education was prohibited by law.
No army of English seasonal migrants produced Ireland’s vast and varied food crops. Other than the landlords’ support groups of Church of Ireland (Anglican) clergy, his doctors, lawyers, newspaper owners, the military and officers of police, the bureaucracy, etc., all of Ireland’s agricultural production was performed by the Irish people.
In and around 1845-1850, Ireland was a police State: 1,590 police stations (averaging 48 stations per county each with 8 policemen, a separate Revenue Police (1,200), Castle Police (spies, 100), and Dublin Metropolitan Police (1,100). Each county had one landlord-led militia regiment, but Dublin, Mayo, and Limerick had two each, and Cork had three.
Ireland’s abundant meats, livestock, and other foods, though produced by the Irish were claimed by the landlords. Upon international failure of potato crops, Ireland’s failure starting in 1845, Ireland’s food producers fiercely resisted police and militia efforts to remove it to the ports for export. Regular army deployments into Ireland increased to 34 regiments in 1845 and to 40 in 1850. “Black ‘47” was the food removers’ most active year. Deployment lag time explains the 1848 peak of 35.4 regiment/years. More than half of Britain’s standing army removed Ireland’s foods; 67 regiments of its total of 126 regiments and two brigades. For reference, this was more military force than was used during Britain’s conquest of the Indian Subcontinent (today’s India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh).
On July 5, 1847, in the depths of the Irish genocide, Lord Clarendon wrote from his Vice-Regal Lodge in Phoenix Park to Prime Minister Lord Russell; “Sir Edward Blakeney says that the Country is tranquil and if it were not for the harassing duty of escorting provisions, the troops would have little to do.”
The (London) Times’ contemporaneous reports of increased landings of Irish food in English ports are accessible in detail on-line.
The genocidal mass evictions and robbery of crops continued until the Land League, Boycott, and international outrage forced England to buy out its landlords from Ireland in 1900-1920. The vast estates were “striped” into typically 28-acre survival farms with an acre or two of the nearest bog for fuel and allocated to the Irish cultivators of the soil. So munificent; so far above market price, was that “golden handshake” to the departing landlords that the amortization period was set at 68.5 years. Thus my (Chris Fogarty) father and all of our neighbors in Co. Roscommon and obviously the rest of Ireland, were paying off that old “debt” into the 1970s. Ireland’s farmers paid semi-annual Rates (taxes) and those “Rents.” Ireland’s centuries of imposed destitution ended upon the end of that “Rent” payment.
In 1932 Ireland’s Fianna Fail gov’t under Taoiseach Eamon de Valera withheld the annual £4 million rent to London. Britain retaliated with an embargo on Irish goods, but it faded approaching WW2.
The use of massive armed force to starve Ireland belies the exculpatory “famine” and its synonyms “great hunger/gorta mor.” “Genocide” is accurate, but no Irish person had ever used it; it was coined post-WW2 by Raphael Lemkin to educate the US Congress as to Nazis crimes against Jews. An appropriately inculpatory label was used to report events in Ireland starting in 1846. Writers Davitt, Fitzgerald, et al. and the Cork Examiner (now Irish Examiner) repeatedly reported it as a Holocaust.
“Famine to Freedom” film is a recent concealment of the Holocaust and the British army’s perpetration of it. Its academic producers pretended to not recognize the grain-harvesting reaping hook (sickle) they excavated in Ballykilcline, Strokestown. Their “potato famine” film ignores the following non-potato food processors of 1845-1850 Ireland: 1,935 grain mills, 1,984 grain kilns, 555 flour mills, 948 livestock pounds, 144 tuck mills, 136 grain-using breweries and 72 distilleries, 62 threshers (though most was done by flail), 45 woolen mills (mutton and lamb), 43 windmills, butter churning mills, sheep folds, pig markets, corn markets, bacon stores, etc.
All was removed at gunpoint and exported.
THE IRISH HOLOCAUST
Probably we are not dealing with "800 years of English oppression/attempted genocide" but with a targeted action in the 19th century in which everything was wiped out.
In any case, I find it remarkable that the British used more military force during the Irish "famine crisis" than during the conquest of the Indian subcontinent.
The historical evidence for the "800 years of English oppression" is overwhelming
The historical evidence for the "800 years of English oppression" is overwhelming and began with William of Orange, the puppet king of the Dutch Jewish Financiers, who established the Bank of England and the National Debt - which, unlike the Irish one, has never been repaid.
This seems suspicious.
| Year(s) | Location(s) | Conflict | Organiser(s) |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1534 | Lordship of Ireland (Dublin) | Silken Thomas Rebellion | FitzGeralds of Kildare |
| 1569–73 | Kingdom of Ireland (Province of Munster) | First Desmond Rebellion | FitzGeralds of Desmond and allied clans |
| 1579–83 | Kingdom of Ireland (Provinces of Munster and Leinster) | Second Desmond Rebellion | FitzGeralds of Desmond and allied clans |
| 1593–1603 | Kingdom of Ireland | Nine Years' War | Hugh Ó Neill, Hugh Ó Donnell and allied clans |
| 1608 | Kingdom of Ireland (County Donegal) | O'Doherty's rebellion | Sir Cahir O'Doherty |
| 1641 | Kingdom of Ireland | Irish Rebellion of 1641 | Phelim Ó Neill, Rory Ó Moore, Conor Maguire, Hugh Óg MacMahon |
| 1642–52 | Kingdom of Ireland | Irish Confederate Wars | Irish Catholic Confederation |
| 1689–91 | Kingdom of Ireland | Williamite War | Jacobites under James II of England |
| 1798 | Kingdom of Ireland | Irish Rebellion of 1798 | Society of United Irishmen |
| 1799–1803 | Kingdom of Ireland, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (County Wicklow) | Michael Dwyer's Guerrilla campaign | Michael Dwyer and his followers (Society of United Irishmen) |
...suspicious? So what do you think they were really up to then?
Why did it take the Irish 250 years to start an uprising? Do you think thats plausible?